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                  <text>Notable for its early leadership in Baptist organization and evangelism, the First Baptist Church of Philadelphia was prominent both in its region and city and in the transatlantic community of Baptists.  Begun in 1698 as a mission of the more suburban Pennepack (now, Lower Dublin) Baptist Church, First Baptist soon became the leading congregation for the city, region, and colonies, gaining independent status from Pennepack in 1746. &#13;
&#13;
In 1707 the church hosted the organizing meeting of the Philadelphia Baptist Association, the first lasting inter-regional organization of Baptists in America, and over the years provided a disproportionate share of this group’s officers.  From the beginning, the lives of this association and the First Baptist congregation were intertwined, with the church meeting house hosting meetings of the association and welcoming delegates, called messengers by the Baptists, from as far south as Charleston and as far north as Boston.  By the 1760s, the first decade for which minutes survive, the congregation had gained prominence beyond its modest size, including among the transatlantic Baptist network.  This prominence had to do with its leaders hosting and shaping the role of the Philadelphia Baptist Association, to which far-flung congregations wrote letters that began, “Dear Mother.” &#13;
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The life of the congregation and its leaders was also intertwined with that of its city, with several ministers taking teaching posts at the University of Pennsylvania, then the College and Academy of Philadelphia.  William Rogers, for example, came from New England to pastor the church but remained in that post for only three years, though active in the congregation and as a supply preacher until his death in 1824.  Like several other Baptist ministers, Rogers served as a military chaplain during the American Revolution, an event that made havoc of the congregation’s finances and leadership.  While these Baptists supported the American rebellion as a fight for necessary liberties, their former pastor Morgan Edwards criticized the rebels until 1775 when he was convinced to revise his opinion.   With his excellent preaching, historical research and publications on early Baptists, and support for formal education leading to the founding and support of Brown University, Edwards embodied the strengths of Baptists.  It was under Edwards’ leadership that First Baptist built a new and larger meeting house at the same time accepting the need to lend their pastor to the larger Baptist cause and arranging for supply preaching while Edwards traveled the colonies as an evangelist, church organizer, and historian of Baptists.  Despite these successful efforts toward gaining respect and leaders for Baptists, Edwards’ connection with the Philadelphia congregation grew strained during the 1780s, largely because Edwards struggled through bouts of drinking and subsequent church meetings for discipline, only being restored to the congregation’s fellowship in late 1788.&#13;
&#13;
When in 1814 Baptists from twelve states gathered to form a national organization in support of Baptist missions, the meeting was at the First Baptist meeting house in Philadelphia, with two of the four officials chosen being laymen from that congregation and a third, William Staughton, a former pastor.  Throughout the next century, the congregation grew in numbers and influence in the city and in national and global mission programs, despite conflicts related to theology, leadership, and relationships with daughter churches, including two competing First African Baptist congregations.  Its early interest in circulating religious pamphlets, as well as Philadelphia’s wealth of printers, made it feasible for American Baptists to locate their publishing operations in the city, where they remained until 1961, when operations moved to a new building and printing plant in Valley Forge.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Minutes Books of First Baptist Church of Philadelphia, A. D. Gillette, editor,&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;Minutes of the Philadelphia Baptist Association from A.D. 1707, to A.D. 1807&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;(Philadelphia: American Baptist Publication Society, 1851),  and William Williams Keen,&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Bi-Centennial Celebration of the Founding of the First Baptist Church of the City of Philadelphia&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;(Philadelphia: American Baptist Publication Society, 1899).&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Miscellaneous burial ground records, 1799-1901</text>
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                <text>Miscellaneous records of the First Baptist Church burial grounds, dating from 1799 to 1901, first at the La Grange/Arch Street site and then at Mount Moriah Cemetery. Items include: a resolution by the trustees in 1799 to raise the cost of interment in order to keep the burial ground in good repair; reports by the superintendent of the burial ground on interments performed; receipts for payments to the sexton and to Mount Moriah Cemetery Association for cutting the grass in section 112; the "Proposition for the Removal of the Dead" in 1860, and permission from the Health Office to move the burials from La Grange to Mount Moriah; and letters documenting the return of some remains to family members.</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
&#13;
The records consist of vestry minutes, parish records, accounting and financial records, deeds, architectural drawings, photographs, and audiovisual materials. In addition, there are materials from parish organizations and affiliated institutions such as Christ Church Hospital, Episcopal School, Christ Church Burial Ground, and Christ Church Preservation Trust.</text>
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                <text>Christ Church and St. Peter's correspondence and records concerning bell ringers and burials, 1801</text>
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                <text>4.2.0.17; F501</text>
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                <text>Includes a letter and draft copy from bell ringer Joseph Dolby to the Vestry of Christ Church and St. Peter's, defending himself against accusations made by the Governor of Pennsylvania regarding his Revolutionary War allegiances and his refusal to ring the bells on July 4th. Dolby asserts his Philadelphia birth, militia service, and oath of allegiance to the United States.

Also includes a committee report signed by the bell ringers agreeing to ring the bell on July 4th annually, and a letter from James Abercrombie requesting a burial order for the infant son of John Martin Baker. See also object ID: 1.4.0.1 for related documentation.</text>
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                <text>Christ Church, Philadelphia, PA</text>
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                <text>Committee minutes and related correspondence concerning Christ Church bell ringers and Joseph Dolby, Head Bell Ringer. On 8 July 1801, a committee met with bell ringers Joseph Dolby, Charles Hollick, Richard Thornhill, John Tister, and Caleb Offley; all except Dolby declared they were unaware until April 1801 of any existing contract obligating them to ring the bell on 4 July, and they agreed to ring annually in accordance with vestry resolutions of 5 July 1782 and 27 May 1801 [p.1].

Dolby addresses Bishop White and the Rector, Church-Wardens, and Vestrymen of Christ Church and St. Peter's, responding to a letter from the Governor of Pennsylvania alleging that Dolby, out of disaffection to the independence of the United States, refused to allow the bells to be rung on the late 4 July, and further alleging he was an Englishman and had been a Tory during the Revolution. Dolby asks, as an act of justice to a man who has been their Head Bell Ringer for 36 years, that his statement be entered on the minutes. He asserts he was born in Philadelphia (as shown in the baptism register), that his father was also a native and a respectable member of the churches, that he served in the militia artillery from the beginning of the Revolutionary War until disabled by a nervous fever affecting his limbs, and that on 4 July 1776 he was carried into the bell-room in the arms of John Williams and John Field to be present at the exhibition of public joy despite his infirmity [p.2r-2v]. He states that in the summer of 1777 he took the oath of allegiance to the United States within the time limited by law, retiring to New Jersey with his family upon the approach of the British army to the city and not returning until after the evacuation [p.4].

Additional records include a request (11 Aug. 1801) from James Abercrombie to Thomas Cumpston for an order admitting the burial of John Martin Baker's 13-month-old infant son in Christ Church burial ground, to be carried to Dolby, noting Baker is an English gentleman residing a few miles out of town [p.3]. A later note records the birth (19 June 1800) and baptism (31 July 1808) of John Martin Baker, son of John Martin and Harriet D. Baker, with assurance that Baker, being a stranger unacquainted with the regulations, will cheerfully pay all charges when the funeral is over [p.5r-5v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>Correspondence to and from the Vestry of Christ Church and St. Peter's Church. Includes a letter from James Abercrombie requesting financial assistance due to the pressures of supporting his family of sixteen; a draft letter regarding a claim on the estate of Gunning Bedford for the poor of the churches; a letter from Joseph Dobbins in South Carolina requesting his annuity payment following the death of Bishop Robert Smith; and a reply from Richard Harison in New York concerning a bond and debt related to Dr. Kearsley's will and the widow of Cornelius Bradford.</text>
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                <text>This group of four documents concerns the affairs of the United Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's, Philadelphia, during 1802.

In a letter dated April 26, 1802, the Reverend James Abercrombie appeals to the Rector and Vestry for financial assistance, explaining that despite two years of diligent effort conducting an Academy alongside his parochial duties, the enterprise had produced little beyond its own expenses. Having exhausted his own property and the support previously provided by his mother, and facing the unavoidable expenses of a family of sixteen that far exceeded his salary, he reluctantly entreats their generosity [p. 1r-1v].

A draft letter dated July 26, 1802, addressed to the Reverend Stanford, records the Vestry's instructions to inquire into the status of a claim on the estate of the late Gunning Bedford, money intended for the poor of the churches. The Vestry note their obligation to recover the money or, if impeded, to enter a narrative of their conduct on their minutes. The Reverend Mr. Hobart is named as bearer of the letter [p. 2r-2v].

Joseph Dobbins writes on May 24, 1802, from the country on the Catawba River near the mouth of the Wateree, informing Bishop William White and the wardens and vestry that no one had been appointed to pay his annuity since the death of Bishop Robert Smith, whose last payment was July 28. He requests payment through someone in Charleston and asks that correspondence be left with Colonel Cantey at the Camden post office, noting he will be twenty years of age the following January [p. 3].

Richard Harison replies from New York on August 4, 1802, to Bishop White and Thomas Cumpston regarding a bond owed by the widow of Cornelius Bradford. He returns the bond, describes his repeated but unsuccessful attempts to obtain a settlement, and notes the widow's distress and her belief that the demand ought to have been addressed to her brother-in-law's family. He advises that no suit could be maintained in New York courts unless Dr. Kearsley's will was proved or administration taken out there, and that any suit must be in the names of his executors or administrators. He emphasizes that he sought no advantage in the business [p. 4r-4v].</text>
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                <text>This collection contains an authenticated copy of the will and codicil of Joseph Dobbins of Columbia, South Carolina, together with related correspondence to the Vestry and Wardens of Christ and St. Peter's Churches in Philadelphia. In his will, dated July 19, 1803, Dobbins ordered his just debts paid, directed that his enslaved servant girl Matilda, described as “a Mulatta” about eleven years old, be set free at his death, and bequeathed his estate—126 shares in the Bank of South Carolina and other property amounting to about $6,000—to the poor and distressed widows supported by the bounty of Dr. Kearsley in Christ Church Hospital. He appointed Thomas Jones, President of the Bank of South Carolina, as executor in conjunction with the vestry and wardens of Christ Church and St. Peter's Church in Philadelphia [p. 1r]. The will was witnessed by Hugh Grant, James Pearle, and Jesse Perry, proven before Sam Taylor, Ordinary of Richland District, on August 7, 1804, and certified as a true copy on August 13, 1804 [p. 1r].

A codicil dated April 11, 1804 gave a silver quart tankard marked “MF” to Rev. John Foster, and bequeathed three lots of land on Taylor Street in Columbia, numbered 20, 21, and 22 and purchased from Thomas H. Wade, along with the remainder of Dobbins's silver plate to Rev. David E. Dunlap and his wife Susanna P. Dunlap. The codicil also appointed the Dunlaps as guardians of Matilda and of the freed girl Amey until the girls reached eighteen years of age or married [p. 1v]. The codicil was witnessed by Benjamin Waring, Robert Hendrick, and Daniel Wade, proven before the Ordinary, and certified as a true copy on August 13, 1804 [p. 1v].

The correspondence includes a September 3, 1804 letter from church warden Thomas Cumpston acknowledging receipt of the authenticated copy of the will and noting that a vestry would shortly be called to determine action [p. 2r]. A lengthy letter from Rev. Dunlap recounts that Dobbins lived with Dunlap's family during his last illness, suffered from gravel and other infirmities, and died on May 29, 1804 in his seventy-second year. Dunlap describes securing Dobbins's keys and trunks after his death, discovering the will with neighbors present, and corresponding with named executor Thomas Jones [p. 2r].

Copied letters follow. Thomas Jones's letter of June 18, 1804 declines the executorship because legal advice indicated that the vestry and wardens could not serve as executors and that responsibility would fall on Jones alone, creating inconvenience and requiring possible Court of Equity involvement [p. 2v]. Henry Baily's legal opinion of the same date advises that the will appeared duly executed, that the codicil formed part of the will, that the Dunlaps could take possession of the land subject to debts, and that dividends from the Bank of South Carolina stock should be remitted to the authorized agent of those administering the trust for poor and distressed widows [p. 2v]. Baily further cautions that the attempted emancipation of Matilda did not conform to a recent South Carolina act and should not proceed without an order from the Court of Equity [p. 2v]. Dunlap concludes by urging prompt action from Philadelphia to relieve him of responsibility for Dobbins's papers and property, noting that Dobbins's debts were few but that he held notes amounting to approximately $2,500 to $3,000, including an $800 or $900 note already in suit [p. 2v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>Correspondence regarding power of attorney over the estate of Joseph Dobbins (also referred to in connection with a legacy from the late Mrs. Dobbin).

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                <text>This group of two documents from 1806 concerns the administration of the estate of the late Mrs. Dobbins (also rendered Dobbin and Dubree) and a legacy bequeathed to the charitable institution represented by Christ Church (Philadelphia, Pa.). In a letter dated May 29, 1806, from Charleston, South Carolina, Henry William De Saussure acknowledges receipt of a letter of the 6th instant addressed to Judge Johnson and himself, requesting them to act under a power of attorney authorizing them to receive the legacy and give receipts on behalf of the charitable institution. De Saussure expresses confidence that Judge Johnson will cheerfully undertake the duty and pledges to attend to the business once the courts adjourn [p.1]. The second document, dated December 17, 1806, is a copy of a letter from William Tilghman and Thomas Cumpston (also noted as Thomas Leaming) in Philadelphia to William Johnson and H. W. De Saussure in Charleston. It thanks them for their letter of October 27 and, after consultation with the Vestry, agrees to accede to Mr. Jones's proposal of assigning uncollected debts and receiving a general release and indemnification against future demands against the estate of Mr. Dubree. The writers offer either to have the Vestry give a bond of indemnity directly to Mr. Jones or, if the correspondents prefer, to become responsible to him themselves [p.2r]. The letter further notes that the Vestry concluded to allow Mr. Jones $500 for his trouble in managing Mr. Dobbins's estate, including legal commissions, emphasizing their duty as trustees of a charitable institution to be economical. Acknowledging that the correspondents held $2,200 available for drawing, the writers drew a bill for that sum payable at ten days' sight to the order of George Simpson, Cashier of the Bank of the United States [p.2v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>4.2.0.23; F511</text>
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                <text>Two letters directed to the Rector, Church Wardens, and Vestrymen of the United Churches. The first letter, dated January 8, 1807, was written by Edward Burd and John F. Mifflin, who had been appointed as a committee by the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania to value a lot at the corner of Ninth and Market Streets in response to the church's application to purchase it. 

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                <text>This collection comprises two letters directed to the Rector, Church Wardens, and Vestrymen of the United Episcopal Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's in Philadelphia. The first letter [p. 1r], dated January 8, 1807, was written by Edward Burd and John F. Mifflin, who had been appointed as a committee by the Trustees of the University to value a lot at the corner of Ninth and Market Streets in response to the church's application to purchase it. They valued the lot—measuring 151½ feet in front on Market Street by 100 feet deep on Ninth Street to a five-foot alley—at £50 per foot. The letter also references a second lot at the northwest corner of Ninth and Chestnut Streets, measuring 94½ feet in front by 95 feet deep to a five-foot alley, which the committee valued at 90 dollars per foot [p. 1r]. The second letter [p. 1v], dated April 5, 1807, is a recommendation written by Robert Blackwell on behalf of Hugh Hill, whom Blackwell had known for many years and who had frequently worked for him. Blackwell describes Hill as honest, industrious, sober, religious, and worthy, noting that he was a pew holder and communicant of St. Peter's Church [p. 1v].</text>
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&#13;
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                <text>This memorandum, drafted by Samuel Wheeler, documents business conducted on behalf of Christ Church on April 18, 1809, by Thomas Cumpston, Samuel Wheeler, and Peter Dehaven; Peter Browne was indisposed and could not attend [p.1r]. The party traveled to Samuel Dehaven's residence in Lower Merion Township near the Gulf Mill to address a bond for 200 dollars that Dehaven had given to Paul Webb, which had gone missing. Dehaven was initially unwilling to pay without the bond, but after his sons Moses, Samuel, and Peter joined the discussion, the parties compromised: the church representatives supplied a bond of indemnification securing Dehaven and his heirs against future liability, and Dehaven gave a note payable in six months with lawful interest [p.1r].

The group then continued to Norristown, where they entered satisfaction at the Recorder's Office for money that Paul Webb had lent to Jesse Roberts. Although the money had been repaid before Webb's death, Webb had never acknowledged its receipt in the Recorder's Office, making it necessary for his executors to complete the record. The remaining collection of moneys and other matters concerning Paul Webb's estate were left in the care of Mr. Pawling, a lawyer, who agreed to render an account when called upon [p.1r].</text>
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                <text>This collection of four documents concerns the 1810 effort by the United Episcopal Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's Church in Philadelphia to amend their 1765 colonial charter in order to incorporate the newly constructed St. James's Church into the corporation. The original charter had been granted by the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania on June 24, 1765, and the growth of the congregations had made additional seating necessary, prompting construction of St. James's Church at considerable expense [p.1, p.8r].

The printed Senate act (No. 51) sets out the whereas clauses and enacts five sections: the corporation is renamed to include St. James's Church, its rents and revenues are directed to the maintenance of the three united churches, the by-laws are made conformable to the laws of Pennsylvania and the United States rather than Great Britain, the vestry is enlarged from twenty to twenty-four persons, and the corporation's income cap is set at six thousand dollars, exclusive of pew rents and burial ground fees [p.1-6]. Members of St. James's Church who had paid for a pew or sitting were granted voting rights at vestry elections through Easter Monday 1813 despite not meeting the usual three-year payment requirement [p.4-5].

A manuscript minute records a meeting of the united congregations held in Christ Church on January 12, 1810, at which the petition to the legislature was proposed. It lists those present, including the Rt. Rev. Dr. White, Tench Coxe, and Paul Beck, and notes that a motion to commit the petition to committee was lost, after which the petition was adopted and sent to the legislature [p.7r]. The petition itself and a manuscript draft of the enacting legislation are also included [p.8r-10r]. The act passed the House of Representatives by a unanimous vote on March 16, 1810 [p.6].</text>
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                <text>This group of three letters, dated 1811, documents financial and disciplinary matters within the Christ Church (Philadelphia) clergy and vestry. In the first, Robert Blackwell writes to Church Warden Thomas Cumpston requesting that the Vestry settle an outstanding debt, noting that for the previous four years the Vestry had been continually indebted to him by at least two thousand dollars, and calculating a settlement figure of $2,899.99 as of the 25th [p.1].

The central document is a letter from Rev. James Abercrombie to Cumpston (March 19, 1811), written to preempt or answer a complaint brought before the vestry concerning a marriage he had celebrated. Abercrombie recounts that on or about January 12-13, a genteel-looking young man asked him to perform a marriage and assured him he was of full age, above 21 [p.2]. When Abercrombie learned the bride, Miss Eliza Farrel, was only turned 19, he explained she was not of legal age to marry without consent of parents or guardians. The young man stated she had no parents but lived with an aunt who approved [p.3-4]. At the ceremony, a respectable-looking woman identifying herself as Mary Golson, the bride's aunt, confirmed her consent, and Abercrombie married them, entering the bridegroom's name as John Cooper Seckel in his register [p.3-4]. Abercrombie asserts he was grossly imposed upon by deliberate lies, and complains that the defective marriage act throws the whole responsibility onto the clergyman [p.5]. His son John, present in the study, confirmed the account, including that Seckel had declared himself above 26 and that Golson corroborated this [p.6]. A postscript addresses a separate matter concerning the exchange of a pew involving Mr. Meredith [p.6].

The third letter, addressed to the Vestry (October 23, 1811), was occasioned by the resignation of Abercrombie's associate, Rev. Dr. Blackwell, and appeals for an increase in salary [p.7]. Abercrombie recalls an earlier application in 1798 or 1799, when the Vestry resolved to raise an additional 1,200 dollars from pew rents, 600 for the Bishop and the residue for himself, but Dr. Blackwell's displeasure led to a division of the 600 dollars [p.8-9]. He describes eighteen years of faithful service on an incompetent salary, his mounting debts, his teaching in the academy with Dr. Magaw, the fatigue of running a school, and the loss of income from the Oxford and All Saints congregations following the building of St. James Church [p.8-9, p.10]. Citing the depreciation of money since his appointment, he trusts the Vestry will not consider his request unreasonable [p.10].</text>
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                <text>Correspondence details the decision to purchase a new organ for Saint Peter's Church. The folder also contains a list of desired specifications for the organ.

Additional records document a dispute with New York organ builders John Geib &amp; Son over travel expenses, and a draft contract with local builder John Lowe for $4,000, which the Vestry ultimately rejected due to lack of funds. The folder also includes a petition from organist Rayner Taylor requesting a salary increase due to the high cost of living, his subsequent resignation to take a better position at St. Paul's Church, and a petition signed by parishioners protesting a 25% increase in pew rents during 'times of Calamity.'</text>
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                <text>The records chiefly concern efforts in 1813 to procure a new organ for St. Peter's Church in Philadelphia. Thomas Cumpston, church warden, informed William Meredith and Horace Binney that the vestry had authorized them to dispose of materials from the old organ, apply the proceeds to a new organ, and lower the back portion of the organ loft floor to make room for the instrument [p. 1r]. A committee report notes that Meredith and Binney had conferred with the committee, that the committee had examined the organ at St. Paul's Church, and that the St. Peter's organ loft could accommodate an organ of sufficient power [p. 2]. The report estimated that, since the St. Paul's organ had cost more than $5,000, a somewhat smaller organ for St. Peter's would likely cost at least $4,000, exclusive of any allowance for the old organ materials [p. 3-4].

John Geib &amp; Son of New York submitted a detailed plan and estimate for an organ modeled on the Grace Church organ case, listing stops for the great organ, choir, and swell, along with pedals and coupling mechanisms [p. 6]. Their estimate totaled $4,865, including $4,500 for the organ, packing, transportation, cartage, travel expenses, and board for two people to install it [p. 7-8]. They compared the number of pipes in the Grace Church and proposed St. Peter's organs, and proposed completion within a year, with payment by installments [p. 7-8]. They also advised selling the old organ to the highest bidder, stating that only the metal would be of use to them and that even that might not justify the expense of removal and transportation [p. 7-8].

Subsequent letters from John Geib &amp; Son show that negotiations with Meredith did not lead to a contract. The firm billed Meredith $100 for William Geib's trip to Philadelphia, including stage hire, travel expenses, and time spent on the road and in Philadelphia [p. 10r-p. 10v]. In later correspondence, the firm objected to Meredith's refusal to pay the full amount, argued that its time and plans should be compensated, and acknowledged receipt of $50 as the only sum it was willing to accept [p. 11r-p. 11v]. A September letter again asserted that Meredith's promise to defray expenses should include compensation for loss of time, not merely travel costs [p. 16r-p. 16v].

The folder includes a July 29, 1813 letter from Cumpston stating that the vestry would not be a party to a proposed agreement between Meredith, Binney, and organ builder John Lowe because church funds would not permit it [p. 12]. A draft agreement with Lowe proposed that he build and install a mahogany-cased organ in St. Peter's Church for $4,000 plus the old organ, with installment payments and satisfactory security [p. 13-p. 14]. The attached schedule specifies the compass of the keys, stops for the great organ, choir, and swell, pedal pipes, coupling movement, ivory keys with ebony sharps, and two bellows [p. 14-15].

Additional records concern church music and finances. Rayner Taylor, organist of St. Peter's, petitioned the rector, church wardens, and vestry on September 14, 1813, for a salary increase from $93.32 per year, citing inadequate compensation, high prices for necessities and rent, and the demands of performing through summer heat and winter cold [p. 17]. In October 1813, members of the United Episcopal Churches petitioned for reconsideration of a vestry resolution adding 25 percent to pew rents, citing the "distresses and privations" of the period and requesting that the increase be repealed or suspended until congregants were better able to bear it [p. 19r-p. 19v]. A later letter from Taylor, dated November 15, 1818, states that he had accepted the position of organist at St. Paul's, with an adequate salary and an excellent instrument, and would discontinue playing at St. James's after the following Sunday [p. 20].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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The letter expresses gratitude for the Society's decision to establish a catechistical lecture for the instruction of African Americans ("Negroes") and others, providing a salary of 30 pounds per annum. It also formally recommends William Sturgeon, a graduate of Yale College, to fill the role of catechist and assistant to the Rector, Dr. Robert Jenney, in order to further the religious education of the congregation and others.</text>
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                <text>The churchwardens and vestry of Christ Church in Philadelphia address the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts after being informed by Dr. Bearcroft that the Society had resolved to establish a catechetical lecture in the church, with a salary of thirty pounds per year, for the instruction of “Negroes &amp; Others” [p. 1r]. They express gratitude for the Society’s support and acknowledge the efforts of their rector, Dr. Jenney, in representing the needs of the congregation [p. 1r].

The vestry explains that it considered how to supplement the Society’s salary in order to provide adequate support for a qualified catechist, especially if the appointee could also serve as assistant to the rector [p. 1r]. Since no suitable candidate was available locally, Dr. Jenney wrote to clergy and acquaintances in other colonies seeking a learned and capable person [p. 1r]. In response, William Sturgeon of Yale College came from Connecticut to Philadelphia, was recommended by Society missionaries and other reputable gentlemen, and was accepted by the minister, churchwardens, and vestry, who ask the Society to approve him as catechist and assistant to the rector [p. 1v]. The address closes with a hope that the Society’s support will strengthen Anglican worship and religious instruction in Philadelphia [p. 1v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>Meeting minutes and report of the Committee on Organ and pew holders at Saint Peter's Church.

The document details resolutions to collect subscriptions, appoint a treasurer to invest funds, and assess a semiannual fee on pew holders if a balance remains. It also authorizes a committee to contract for and superintend the building of the new organ. General Francis Gurney chaired the meeting.</text>
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                <text>At a meeting of the pew holders of St. Peter's Church, held on the evening of March 29, 1814 at the School House of the Academy of the Protestant Episcopal Church pursuant to notice given from the desk the previous Sunday, General Francis Gurney was called to the chair and Robert Murdock was appointed secretary. The purpose of the meeting was to receive the report of the committee previously appointed to obtain money by subscription to build an organ in the church [p. 1r].

Thomas W. Francis made a written report on behalf of the committee, which was read, considered, and unanimously adopted. The meeting resolved that the committee proceed in collecting subscribed amounts and pay them over to a treasurer; that two members of the church, along with the treasurer, invest the money to the best advantage subject to the order of the building committee; and that the pew holders obligate themselves to contribute toward any balance beyond the subscription by paying a semiannual assessment not exceeding 12 1/2 cents per seat for a period not exceeding four years. T. W. Francis was appointed Treasurer, and Messrs. Donaldson and Meredith were appointed to assist in investing the money. Messrs. Francis, Binney, and Meredith were authorized to contract for and superintend the building of the organ [p. 1r].

The report of the committee on St. Peter's Church organ was read April 18, 1814 [p. 1v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>Letter from the City Commissioners Office instructing the corporation to pave a sidewalk in front of church owned property at Pine and Fourth Streets.

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                <text>This item comprises two letters concerning Christ Church, Philadelphia, dated 1815. In the first letter, Horace Binney writes to Mr. Charles N. Bancker on May 26, 1815, recommending an enclosed subscription paper to Bancker's patronage and that of his friends, noting he intends to interest gentlemen in Christ's Church and St. Paul's by sending each a copy. Binney explains that the paper's design, which has the entire approbation of the Bishop whose name heads one list, would introduce a great improvement in church music if carried into effect, and emphasizes that dispatch is a very great object because the engraver has no leisure for the work except in the following months [p.1].

The second letter, from the City Commissioners' Office in Philadelphia dated November 30, 1815 and signed by City Commissioner Thomas Hirst, requires the Rector, Wardens and Vestry of the Protestant Episcopal Churches of Christ and St. Peter's to have the footway opposite their lot at Pine and Fourth streets well paved within twenty days, in accordance with the ordinances of the Select and Common Councils passed May 22, 1797, and October 1, 1811 [p.2].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>Three 1816 documents concerning the United Churches of Christ Church, St. Peter's Church, and St. James's Church in Philadelphia. Includes an application from the vestry of Saint John's Church in the Northern Liberties, just above the city limits of Philadelphia, requesting monies and conveyance of real estate held in trust for that corporation.

Also includes a memorial from the sextons of the United Churches requesting increased wages because the cost of provisions and other necessities had risen, and a resignation letter from the Rev. James Milnor as assistant minister after receiving a call to another congregation.</text>
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                <text>The first document records a March 4, 1816 resolution of the corporation styled “The Rector Wardens &amp; Vestrymen of Saint John's Church in the Township of the Northern Liberties in the County of Philadelphia.” The resolution appoints Messrs. Turner Camac, John Keen, and Charles Wheeler to apply to the United Churches of Christ Church, St. Peter's Church, and St. James's Church for monies and a conveyance of real estate held in trust for Saint John's Church [p.1].

The second document is a memorial from the sextons of Christ Church, St. Peter's Church, and St. James's Church, read in vestry on June 5, 1816 and ordered to lie on the table. The sextons state that their salaries had not increased despite the rising cost of provisions and other necessities, and compare their compensation unfavorably to that of the sexton of St. Paul's Church, whose salary they say is nearly double and who is provided an assistant [p.2r]. They request an increase in wages appropriate to “the present State of things” and the respectability of the churches; the memorial is signed by Elijah Borden, Christopher Frick, and Frans Helffrichs, with Joseph Dolby’s name struck out [p.2v].

The third document is a June 28, 1816 resignation letter from the Rev. James Milnor to the rector, churchwardens, and vestry of the United Churches. Milnor expresses gratitude for the kindness shown to him during his first ministerial labors, but explains that he has received an unsolicited and unanimous call to another congregation, which he believes offers a more advantageous field of usefulness than the shared charge of multiple churches [p.3].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
&#13;
The records consist of vestry minutes, parish records, accounting and financial records, deeds, architectural drawings, photographs, and audiovisual materials. In addition, there are materials from parish organizations and affiliated institutions such as Christ Church Hospital, Episcopal School, Christ Church Burial Ground, and Christ Church Preservation Trust.</text>
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                <text>Among documents housed in this file is a published letter from a government committee appointed to look into poverty in Philadelphia, along with the church's detailed response outlining their charitable disbursements.

Additionally, the file contains correspondence regarding a financial arrangement and salary deductions for Reverend James Abercrombie to pay off a debt to Chandler Price, a nomination for Reverend John Rodney to assist Bishop White, and an 1826 letter from Abercrombie to William Meredith concerning personal matters and an accusation by a Mr. Parkman.</text>
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                <text>This collection of nine documents centers on the United Churches of Christ Church, St. Peters, and St. James in Philadelphia during 1821. A printed circular from the Commissioners on Pauperism, appointed under a Pennsylvania act of April 2, 1821, solicits information from religious institutions about their charitable relief in order to assess the causes and extent of pauperism in the City and Liberties of Philadelphia. The circular, signed by Roberts Vaux and attested by secretary T. M. Pettit, poses four questions on the amount of money disbursed, the distribution of clothing, the number of individuals relieved, and their demographics [p.1-2]. Two copies of the circular are present.

The United Churches' reply, dated August 8, 1821, reports an average annual disbursement of $2,846 for church members plus $1,458 for the poor of Christ Church Hospital (totaling $4,305) over eight years, with clothing distributed only in a limited way to needy children of the Sunday School. About 153 individuals were relieved annually, generally females, roughly half of them infirm [p.5r-5v].

A separate document dated June 30, 1825 records the nomination by William Harris of the Rev. John Rodney as a suitable assistant to Bishop White [p.3r-3v]. An 1826 letter from Rev. Dr. James Abercrombie to William Meredith discusses a lost letter and pocket-books, a missing letter from a Mr. Parkman, and a "railing accusation" brought against Abercrombie, for which he offers to apologize [p.4r-4v].

The final documents concern a financial arrangement of November 1821: Chandler Price agrees to endorse Dr. Abercrombie's note for $500 (later extended to $600) in exchange for quarterly payments of $100 drawn from Abercrombie's salary as Assistant Minister, beginning April 1822 [p.6-7]. Church Warden John Read formally agrees, so long as he continues as accounting Warden, to pay $100 quarterly from Abercrombie's salary to Price until the sum is paid, later promising an additional $100 to make the total $600 [p.8-9].</text>
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                <text>A letter from Robert R. Bringhurst inquires about a possible lease arrangement for Dr. Thomas' legacy properties located at 58 and 60 North 5th Street. 

A second letter contains the resignation of Jackson Kemper, the church's assistant minister of twenty years, following his election as Rector of St. Paul's Church in Norwalk, Connecticut.</text>
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The second letter, dated May 27, 1831, is from Jackson Kemper tendering his resignation as Assistant Minister of the United Churches, a position he had held for twenty years. Kemper cites his recent election as Rector of St. Paul's Church in Norwalk, Connecticut, as the reason for his departure, and offers earnest prayers for the prosperity of the parish [p. 2]. Notes indicate the letter was read in the Vestry on June 1, 1831 [p. 2].</text>
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                <text>This file documents the 1832 election of Reverend John W. James as Assistant Minister of Christ Church, Philadelphia, and the concurrent resignation of Reverend Dr. James Abercrombie from that office. Writing from Meadville on June 20, 1832, James responds to a committee (Charles Wheeler, Philip H. Nicklin, and John White) appointed by the Vestry, expressing initial repugnance at answering whether he would accept before election, but ultimately authorizing an affirmative answer and deferring to the Vestry's judgment on the proposed salary of seventeen hundred dollars per annum [p. 1r-1v]. On June 27, 1832, Charles Wheeler, Philip H. Nicklin, and Horace Binney request accounting warden Henry J. Hutchins to call a special Vestry meeting for the election of the assistant minister [p. 2].

A copy of the June 30, 1832 letter from the church wardens (Horace Binney and Henry J. Hutchins) informs James of his election at the meeting held the previous evening, noting that all such elections are subject to a negative by a majority of the Congregation within one month [p. 3]. In his acceptance letter of July 25, 1832, James reflects humbly on the honor and duties of the office, quoting scripture ("Who is sufficient for these things?" and "I can do all things through Christ who strengtheneth me"), and explains that his wife's poor health and the assistant Bishop's visitation delay his arrival in Philadelphia until about the middle of September [p. 4, p. 5-6].

The file also contains correspondence relating to the resignation of Reverend Dr. James Abercrombie. On November 7, 1832, Abercrombie writes to Henry J. Hutchins agreeing to place his resignation in the hands of the Rector, understanding that his salary will be paid to that day and an annuity will commence [p. 8]. His formal letter of resignation, addressed to the Right Reverend William White, tenders his resignation as Assistant Minister [p. 9r-9v]. A copy of the extract from the Vestry minutes of November 5, 1832 records the resolution granting Abercrombie six hundred dollars per annum for life in quarterly payments, provided he resign before the ninth of the month [p. 10].</text>
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                <text>The bulk of this collection consists of letters and resolutions of condolence on the death of Bishop William White (1748-1836), who died in July 1836 in the eighty-ninth year of his age and the forty-ninth of his episcopal consecration. He served as Bishop of the Diocese of Pennsylvania, Presiding Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, and Rector of the united churches of Christ Church, St. Peter's, and St. James's in Philadelphia. Bishop Benjamin T. Onderdonk of New York, on visitation at New Rochelle, convened assembled clergy who passed resolutions of condolence and directed the wearing of crape hat bands and scarfs for thirty days [p.5-8]. Similar resolutions came from the Bishop and clergy of Maryland assembled in Baltimore [p.9], the vestry of St. Paul's parish, Baltimore [p.10], St. Stephen's Church, Philadelphia [p.11-12], the General Protestant Episcopal Sunday School Union of New York—which noted that White had been President of the first Sunday School Society formed in the country in 1791 [p.13-14]—the Episcopal clergy of New York [p.17], the Bishop and clergy of Connecticut at Hartford [p.18], the vestry of St. Paul's Church, Ballina, transmitted by W. E. Wyatt of Baltimore [p.19], Christ Church, New York [p.20], the vestry of Christ Church, Savannah, Georgia [p.21], and the vestry of Epiphany Church [p.21v].

The collection also contains a memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives requesting a law permitting duty-free importation of two church bells; about eighty years earlier a harmonically tuned set of bells—the only chime in the city—had been placed in the steeple of Christ Church, and during the Revolutionary War citizens removed them inland to prevent their capture. The arm of the largest bell gave way in the severe cold of the last winter, cracking the bell, so it and the treble bell were sent to England to be recast [p.1r-1v].

A note from Richard Peters, executor of his father, addresses the covering over of the tombstone of the Reverend Richard Peters, D.D., in the middle aisle, requesting a memorial tablet and a record of grave locations in the church books [p.2r-2v, p.4]. John W. James, upon his 1831 election as Rector, inquired about provisions for his support [p.3], and a later note from him praises the church alterations [p.15]. William H. White (Thomas H. White) enclosed his resignation from the Vestry [p.16].

Several documents concern church organs: J. C. B. Stanbridge wrote regarding hiring a small organ of two stops from Mr. Hove for a modest sum [p.22]. Moses Kempton and Horace Binney wrote a strongly worded letter to organ builder Henry Erben of New York, complaining that he had failed to complete and erect the contracted large organ by the last day of August 1836, causing serious inconvenience and personal mortification since they had declined offers from local builders in his favor [p.23r-23v]. Thomas Hall of New York replied that the organ was progressing rapidly [p.24]. Finally, Bishop Benjamin T. Onderdonk of New York recommended the Reverend Isaac Peck, a Presbyter of his diocese for about five years, to the Wardens and Vestrymen of Christ Church [p.25].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>This item contains correspondence and records related to Christ Church in Philadelphia from 1837. It includes a letter from Reverend Benjamin Dorr accepting the Rectorship of Christ Church (March 23, 1837), a notice appointing Philip H. Nicklin as Warden (March 31, 1837), a letter from Joseph Bayland correcting the baptismal record birth year for his son John Charles Beyland from 1820 to 1821 with supporting certificates (October 11, 1837), a detailed contract with organ builder Henry Erben for a new church organ specifying 1812 pipes along with a receipt of payment (dated 1835 and 1837), and an evaluation report by organists expressing satisfaction with the completed organ (March 13, 1837).</text>
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                <text>This collection of five documents concerns the affairs of Christ Church, Philadelphia, between 1835 and 1837, addressing both the church's leadership and the installation of a new organ.

In a letter dated March 23, 1837, the Rev. Benjamin Dorr writes from New York to accept his election to the Rectorship of Christ Church, having received notice of his election while in Richmond, Virginia. He reflects on succeeding the venerable Bishop White and his late friend James, and proposes to enter his new charge by the first Sunday in May, after resigning his existing office at the annual meeting of the Board of Missions in June [p.1r-1v]. In a subsequent note dated March 31, 1837, Dorr, as Rector, exercises his charter authority to appoint Philip H. Nicklin as Church Warden [p.2].

A letter from Joseph Bayland, dated October 11, 1837, requests correction of a "gross mistake" in the church's Register Book, which recorded his eldest son John Charles Bayland's birth as December 9, 1820, rather than 1821, the year following his marriage. The request is supported by certificates from S. A. Dubarry and three witnesses attesting to the marriage of John Beyland and Elizabeth Dubarry on March 13, 1821, and the birth of their first child on December 9, 1821 [p.3r-3v].

The contract with organ builder Henry Erben of New York, dated October 17, 1835, sets out detailed specifications for a first-rate instrument of 1,812 pipes, comprising Great, Choir, Swell, and Pedal divisions, with a pine case to be painted and ornamented as the Committee directed. Erben agreed to remove the existing organ and erect the new one, to be finished by the end of August 1836, for $4,500—$1,000 credited for the old organ and $3,500 in cash [p.4r-4v]. A receipt and quitclaim dated March 13, 1837, confirms Erben's full payment of $4,500 (received through Horace Binney Jr.) and the complete performance of the contract [p.4v]. A report of the same date from organists J. C. B. Standbridge (of Christ Church) and Thomas Loud (of St. Andrew's Church) attests to their entire satisfaction with the superior tone, workmanship, materials, and mechanism of the finished instrument [p.5r-5v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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Noteworthy events detailed in the records include the severe paralytic and asthmatic illness of the 70-year-old Rev. Dr. Robert Jenny, which left Rev. William Sturgeon to manage a large and growing congregation. The Vestry outlines their resolution to build a new neat and handsome church, measuring 90 by 60 feet, on a lot provided by the Proprietaries. The files also document efforts to secure additional clergy, including a petition to ordain Jacob Duché Junior, a proposal signed by 74 parishioners to hire Rev. William Macclenachan by private subscription, and subsequent correspondence with Christ Church in Boston seeking a character reference for Macclenachan.</text>
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A letter from William Fisher, Secretary of the Vestry of the Church of the Evangelists (Southwark), dated March 17, 1845, asks the Rector, Wardens, and Vestrymen of Christ Church to elect a delegate to serve as Vestryman of the Church of the Evangelists for the ensuing year, noting that the present delegate from Christ Church was Dr. Francis West [p.2r-2v].

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A later letter from B. Dorr to Moses Kempton, dated September 27, 1847, requests a personal loan of fifty dollars, to be brought to Kempton's house at dinner and collected by one of Dorr's children [p.4].</text>
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                <text>This letter, addressed to Moses Kempton, Esq., was written by Benjamin Dorr, rector of Christ Church in Philadelphia, prior to his departure abroad in April 1853. It lists the pensioners of Christ Church, each of whom received three dollars per month: John Warner, Mrs. Caldwell, Mrs. Lusby, Mrs. Eastwood, Miss Lydia Wright, and Mrs. Chandler, with a note indicating that Mr. Garson should distribute funds to these individuals [p.1r]. Additional payments for Mrs. Jenkins ($3), Mrs. Callary ($5), and Mrs. Mornington ($5) were to be handed to Dorr's daughter Mary [p.1r].

Dorr describes his practice of supplying the pensioners with wood during the winter through orders on Galbraith &amp; Binders at Vine Street Wharf, typically half a cord at a time, with bills submitted twice yearly for wood, carting, and sawing. He also notes providing wood to several poor women who were not pensioners, including Mrs. Allen of No. 4 Comptroller Street (whose elderly mother Mrs. Brown was old and feeble), Mrs. Rogers of Harmony Court in Coates's Alley, and Mrs. Peale [p.1r].

The verso of the document is endorsed as Dr. Dorr's list of pecuniary matters and remarks made previous to his going abroad in April 1853, and includes financial calculations and notations [p.1v].</text>
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Additional records include a letter from Benjamin Dorr thanking the vestry for a $400 salary increase, and a letter from C. Campbell Cooper presenting plans and estimates for a proposed new building for Christ Church Hospital at the Farm in Belmont.</text>
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                <text>This folder of correspondence and records from Christ Church (Philadelphia, Pa.) contains four documents dated 1855. In a note dated April 17, 1855, Dr. Benjamin Dorr thanks the Vestry, through secretary Edward L. Clark, for a resolution passed the previous evening increasing his salary by $400 per annum from the 10th of the month, expressing gratitude for the courtesy and generosity he had experienced over eighteen years of connection with the vestry [p.1].

Moses Kempton, in a letter dated January 31, 1855, regrets his inability to give proper time to his duties as one of the Managers of Christ Church Hospital and submits his resignation, asking that another Vestry member be elected in his place [p.2].

A printed statement and appeal from the Wardens of St. Thomas' African Episcopal Church, dated May 4, 1855, and pursuant to resolutions passed April 18, 1855, requests aid from Philadelphia Episcopal churches and individuals. The church's indebtedness was about one thousand dollars, incurred through repairs to the church edifice and parsonage; its income was about seven hundred dollars against expenses over eight hundred, with a pastor's salary reduced to $350 per year. The wardens James Needham and Scipeo Sewell solicit four hundred dollars annually for a few years. The appeal is commended by Bishop Alonzo Potter and endorsed by William Douglass [p.3].

Finally, C. Campbell Cooper, writing December 6, 1855, on behalf of the Committee of the Managers of Christ Church Hospital, submits for the Vestry's consideration the plans and estimates for a proposed new hospital building at the Farm in Belmont [p.4].</text>
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                <text>Letter from the Office of Christ Church Hospital, dated November 5, 1872, in which Secretary George E. Hoffman informs the rector, church wardens, and vestrymen of Christ Church that the hospital managers adopted a preamble and resolution at their meeting of November 4 [p. 1r]. The resolution concerns Anna Tonse, a hospital inmate who died April 14, 1871, and who had approximately $120 to her credit in the Philadelphia Savings Fund [p. 1r]. Because the Philadelphia Savings Fund Society was willing to pay the money to the hospital upon receipt of a proper bond of indemnity, the managers requested that the Christ Church vestry empower Warden Charles K. Wheeler to attach the church seal to such a bond [p. 1r-p. 1v].</text>
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                <text>Statement by the Rev. Edward A. Foggo, rector of Christ Church, Philadelphia, addressed to William White Wiltbank, concerning the dangerous sinking of the floor in the new parish building during a magic lantern exhibition attended by Sunday school children and their parents. Foggo reports that the floor in the northeast section of the upper room had visibly depressed because the joists were too long and lacked proper support, and that the ceiling below had cracked.

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                <text>In this statement dated April 17, 1873, the Rector of Christ Church, Edward A. Foggo, describes an incident involving the sinking of the floor in the new parish building. In the fall of the previous year, the assistant minister held a magic lantern exhibition in the upper room used for the Sunday School, which was filled with children and their parents [p. 1r]. Toward the close of the exhibition, the sexton informed the rector that the floor in the northeast section of the room was sinking, and the depression was marked enough to be perceptible when walking on it [p. 1r].

Foggo hastened to the Rev. Mr. Hodge, urging him to close the event immediately, and the room was emptied within minutes. Upon examination, he found that the joists were too long and lacked proper support, causing the floor to yield in that corner and the ceiling in the room below to crack for some distance [p. 1v]. He reflected that a little more strain could have produced a disaster paralleling recent tragedies in England and in Williamsport, Pennsylvania. Foggo expressed his relief and gratitude that the calamity was averted through providence, noting his fear of being held responsible by the parents had an accident occurred [p. 1v]. The statement was directed to William White Wiltbank.</text>
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                <text>Correspondence and other records of Christ Church (Philadelphia, Pa.) concerning the proposed separation of Christ Church Chapel from Christ Church in 1880, including communications from members of the chapel congregation, the Church of the Mediator, and contributors to the chapel building fund. The records document disputes calling for the resignation of Assistant Minister George Woolsey Hodge, efforts to incorporate the chapel congregation as the Church of the Holy Communion, contested claims to the chapel property on Pine Street west of 19th Street, and objections raised in court to a proposed charter.

The file also includes records from Christ Church Hospital regarding the estate of Maria H. Campbell, who died September 2, 1880, leaving her estate to the hospital after a cemetery payment. Notes describe a caveat entered by her sister, Mrs. Rhodes, and a proposed compromise involving life income from the estate and eventual conveyance to Christ Church for Christ Church Hospital.</text>
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                <text>This group of records from 1880 documents two matters before the Rector, Church Wardens, and Vestry of Christ Church, Philadelphia. The principal matter concerns the dispute over Christ Church Chapel. On February 9, 1880, a committee appointed by the Chapel congregation—D. M. Fairfax (U.S.N.), Anthony E. Stocker, and Isaac Starr—wrote requesting to present resolutions regarding the dissolution of the pastoral relation with the Assistant Minister in charge, the Reverend George Woolsey Hodge [p.1]. The Vestry of the Church of the Mediator adopted a preamble and resolutions on March 22, 1880, quoting the Bishop of the Diocese that any separation of the Chapel would violate a solemn compact and be "an act of great injustice to the parish of the Mediator," and requesting Christ Church to prevent the separation [p.2r-2v].

A lengthy March 30, 1880 statement from contributors to the Chapel building fund recounts the full history of the enterprise: the 1874 printed address seeking to preserve Christ Church by establishing a Chapel in the western part of the city [p.3]; the 1875 and 1876 appeals and the February 9, 1876 resolution creating the Christ Church Chapel Board of Management [p.4]; the 1876 purchase and conveyance of the Pine Street property in trust, and the November 17, 1876 consent of the Bishop and Standing Committee given solely on the ground that the Chapel be an integral part of Christ Church parish [p.5]; the opening of the Chapel by the Bishop on June 9, 1877, and subsequent reports and appeals [p.6]; and the demanded resignation of the Assistant Minister, accepted February 4, 1880 [p.6]. The statement describes the congregation meetings, the vote of 53 against to 16 for separation, and the forcible seizure of the Chapel building on March 9, 1880, held for the proposed Church of the Holy Communion [p.7-8]. It recounts the rejection of the proposed charter by the Court on March 20, 1880 after objections, the presentation of a new charter, and a March 29 meeting adopting articles of association asserting the congregation "has never had any organic connection with Christ Church" [p.8-10]. The contributors request the Vestry to take action to protect their rights and the corporation's title to the Chapel property [p.10].

The second matter is an October 6, 1880 letter from George Hoffman, Secretary of the Board of Managers of Christ Church Hospital, requesting the corporation authorize its accounting Warden to affix the corporate seal to a deed in the matter of the estate of Maria H. Campbell, deceased [p.11r-11v]. An accompanying memorandum details that Miss Campbell died September 2, 1880, leaving her estate to the Hospital (after $150 to Lafayette Cemetery) under a will dated June 7, 1880; describes the property of three small houses at 3rd &amp; South subject to ground rent and mortgage; notes her impaired mind before death and a caveat entered by her sister, Mrs. Rhodes; and sets out the terms of a compromise conveyance in trust [p.12r-12v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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The documents include a letter dated May 3, 1881, from a committee representing the Managers of Christ Church Chapel to the Vestry of Christ Church, requesting a more explicit definition of the powers and duties delegated to them. The file also contains drafted resolutions by the Vestry that delineate the Managers' authority over the Chapel's buildings, grounds, and adjacent properties on Wilcox Street, detailing their administrative and financial responsibilities while restricting their ability to encumber or sell the property.</text>
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                <text>On May 3, 1881, a committee appointed by the Board of Managers of Christ Church Chapel—M. Russell Thayer, Thomas Hewson Bache, and Francis A. Lewis Jr.—addressed the Rector, Church Wardens, and Vestrymen of Christ Church in Philadelphia. They conveyed resolutions unanimously adopted at a meeting of the Board of Managers held at the Chapel on April 29, 1881 [p.1]. The committee expressed the Managers' embarrassment arising from the "general, vague and undefined character" of the powers conferred upon them by a Vestry resolution of February 9, 1876, and requested a more explicit statement of their powers and duties [p.2-3]. They emphasized that the Chapel is an integral part of Christ Church, subject to the paramount authority and control of the Corporation, and that the Managers act only as agents of the Corporation for "the management of the affairs and interests of Christ Church Chapel" [p.2-3].

Accompanying draft resolutions (with editorial revisions) set forth the response of the Vestry. They resolved that the Managers exclusively hold the care, custody, and control of the Chapel building and grounds, the adjacent houses and lots on Wilcox Street, and all other property belonging to the Chapel, exercising control as fully as the Corporation could, except that they may not alienate, convey, or encumber the property, nor use the corporate seal [p.4]. The Managers were granted power to rent the Wilcox Street houses, collect rents, make repairs, apply revenues to Chapel debts and expenses, and elect officers and appoint agents, while remaining subject to the authority of Christ Church [p.4, p.5-6]. Further resolutions directed the Board of Managers to submit an annual report to the Vestry each Easter Monday on the condition of the Chapel's temporal affairs, and that a copy of the resolutions be transmitted by the Secretary of the Vestry to the Board of Managers [p.5-6].</text>
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                <text>Petition addressed to the Rector, Church Wardens and Vestrymen of Christ Church in Philadelphia from individuals who have ancestors buried in the Christ Church Burying Ground at Fifth and Arch Streets. The petitioners propose raising a trust fund of at least ten thousand dollars to ensure the preservation, maintenance, and guardianship of the hallowed and historic burial ground, as well as needed repairs to its monuments.</text>
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                <text>Petition dated November 1, 1887, from individuals connected by family or memorial ties to Christ Church Burying Ground at Fifth and Arch Streets, addressed to the Rector, Church Wardens, and Vestrymen of Christ Church in Philadelphia. The petitioners state that the Corporation's revenues are insufficient to provide the desired level of care for the “hallowed and historic Ground” and ask that an early plan be considered to raise a preservation fund [p. 1r]. They propose undertaking subscriptions for a trust fund of not less than $10,000, with the interest used for maintenance, proper custody and guardianship, and repairs and preservation of monuments, all expended under the direction of Christ Church Corporation [p. 1r]. The petition closes by emphasizing the desire to preserve the burial ground as a “sacred repository of the dead for many generations” and to protect it from further damage by time [p. 1r]. A docket on the verso identifies the document as a “Petition for Preservation of Ground, 5th &amp; Arch,” dated November 1, 1887 [p. 1v].</text>
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                <text>Letter to Richard Terrick, Bishop of London, from the church wardens and vestrymen of the united churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's Church in Philadelphia, and a testimony regarding the resignation of Rev. Richard Peters and the appointment of Rev. Jacob Duché to the rectorship.

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                <text>This grouping consists of two documents concerning the transition of leadership at the united Episcopal Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's Church in Philadelphia in 1775. The first document [p. 1r] is a humble address from the Church-Wardens and Vestry-Men to Richard, Lord Bishop of London, reporting that the Rev. Richard Peters, D.D., their late worthy rector, had voluntarily resigned his rectorship after many years of faithful service due to his bodily infirmities. In consequence, the vestry unanimously elected the Rev. Jacob Duché, A.M., to be rector of the united churches. They note that Duché is a native of Philadelphia, known to most of them since childhood, and had officiated as assistant minister under license from the Bishop's predecessor for upwards of sixteen years (amended to fifteen) with universal approbation. They warmly recommend him for his exemplary conduct, zeal, piety, and learning, and request the Bishop's favorable approval [p. 1r]. The address is dated Philadelphia, October 30, 1775, and is subscribed by church wardens John Morgan and Jonathan Browne, along with vestrymen including Edward Shippen, Jacob Duché Sr., Joseph Swift, Benjamin Wynkoop, Thomas Cuthbert, Gerard Clarkson, Richard Willing, Samuel Powel, Peter Dehaven, James Humphreys, Peter Knight, James Reynolds, Edmund Physick, William Modell, and Alexander Wilcocks [p. 1v].

The second document [p. 2r] is the formal deed of resignation executed by Richard Peters on September 23, 1775. In it, Peters, citing his bodily infirmities and desiring to be relieved and exonerated from the burden, cure, and government of his rectory, deliberately and absolutely renounces and resigns the rectory and churches, together with all their rights, profits, members, and appurtenances, into the hands of the Church-Wardens and Vestry-Men, leaving the rectory vacant. The document is signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of witnesses Matthew Whitehead and Jacob Diegel [p. 2r].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>In this document dated April 6, 1776, Richard Peters, late Rector of the United Congregations of Christ Church and St. Peter's Churches, formally remises and quits claim to all demands and requests he had against the said Churches, giving them a full release [p. 1r]. He states that he does this in accordance with a solemn promise made in Vestry immediately before his resignation [p. 1r]. In turn, he expects the Churches to pay and exonerate him from a bond he entered into on their account with the Academy of the City, except for forty pounds sterling and the interest thereon, which was paid off the previous year [p. 1v]. The document is signed and dated the sixth day of April 1776 [p. 1v]. An inverted, faint draft of the same release text appears on the verso [p. 1v].</text>
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&#13;
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                <text>A 1915 published report and social survey conducted by Christ Church in Philadelphia, detailing the community outreach of its Neighborhood House. The report provides a comprehensive house-to-house canvass of the district bounded by Seventh Street, the Delaware River, Vine Street, and Walnut Street.

The document serves as a valuable historical record of early 20th-century urban life in Philadelphia, capturing detailed statistics on population demographics, immigration, religious affiliations, and housing conditions. It highlights significant public health and moral concerns of the era, such as the prevalence of unsanitary privy wells, overcrowded tenements, and the dense concentration of saloons and sweatshops in the neighborhood.</text>
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                <text>This 1915 publication combines a rector's report with a social survey of the Christ Church parish district in Philadelphia, an area bounded by Seventh Street, the Delaware River, Vine Street, and Walnut Street. Rector Louis C. Washburn opens by defending the Church's contribution to social welfare and outlines four guiding "Key Words": Appreciation, Inspiration, Application, and Co-operation [p.3]. Observing the parish's 220th anniversary, he describes the partly built Neighborhood House at 20 North American Street, constructed at a cost of about $70,000, and its many agencies: a Lunch Room serving nearly 200 working women daily with an associated Vacation Fund, an Emergency Aid branch employing 25 unemployed women in supervised sewing, a Vacation Bible School, a modified milk distribution branch maintained by the Philadelphia Press, recreation opportunities, and a Boys' Club with a summer camp [p.4]. He recounts that the last dollar of building debt was paid in April 1915 and that a donor offered $3,000 toward the $10,000 needed to complete the third floor [p.7]. He also notes plans for a Day Nursery, then in abeyance because of the war [p.6].

The survey by assistant Francis M. Wetherill describes a door-to-door canvass conducted in the winter of 1914 by young women of the congregation, using cards with five questions on dwelling type, occupants and nationality, religion, children of school age, and remarks [p.9]. The methodology drew on the outline of the Social Service Commission of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America and the Trinity Church Social Survey of New York [p.9]. Detailed tables tabulate population, race, religion, children, and industries across thirty-four blocks [p.10-11], reporting a total of 62,457 working and living in the parish, with 58,935 working there, 3,522 residents, and 1,321 persons under fifteen [p.12]. The Sixth Ward's federal census population is shown declining from 10,004 in 1880 to 6,374 in 1910 [p.12].

Subsequent sections cover church activities [p.16-21], education [p.21-23], recreation [p.23], health [p.23-27], and housing [p.28-33]. The report documents vital statistics showing a Sixth Ward death rate above the city average, lists tubercular patients' addresses supplied by dispensaries and hospitals [p.25-27], and details unsanitary housing including condemned properties within 75 yards of Old Christ Church, hotels, lodging houses, tenements, and 124 privy wells [p.28-31]. Industrial conditions note about 60,000 daily workers, Jewish clothing sweat-shops along Market Street, and figures for the shoe, clothing, tobacco, wool, and office trades [p.33-34]. Centres of social uplift and public morals sections list charitable agencies, 65 saloons and 7 wholesale liquor dealers, pool rooms, and problems such as excursion steamer "speak-easies" on the Delaware River [p.34-39]. Wetherill concludes with seven constructive criticisms urging greater local awareness and responsibility, reduction of saloon licenses, improved sewer and drainage systems, a model tenement, a social center and playground, and expanded use of the Neighborhood House and the burial ground at Fifth and Arch Streets [p.40-42].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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The records consist of vestry minutes, parish records, accounting and financial records, deeds, architectural drawings, photographs, and audiovisual materials. In addition, there are materials from parish organizations and affiliated institutions such as Christ Church Hospital, Episcopal School, Christ Church Burial Ground, and Christ Church Preservation Trust.</text>
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                <text>Letters, petitions, and associated documents addressed to or concerning the vestry of the United Churches of Christ Church, St. Peter's Church, and St. James' Church in Philadelphia, dated 1803-1821. The documents concern church music and worship practices, including objections to reportedly "offensive" music at St. Peter's Church, Isaac P. Cole's resignation as clerk over limits placed on sacred music, and compensation for organ repair at Christ Church; financial and estate matters, including ground rents, charitable funds, the Dobbins estate, and the Mary Stephens estate; proposed property acquisition for a new Episcopal church; appointments and duties of church officers; library access for ministerial education; and requested improvements to the St. Peter's vestry room and Sunday school facilities.

Noteworthy items include an 1803 petition criticizing "Light airy and Unseemly Musick &amp; play House Tunes" introduced at St. Peter's Church; correspondence relating to a South Carolina bequest for a Philadelphia charitable institution; a proposal by the Female Sunday School Society of St. Peter's Church to help fund an addition for school use; and documents reflecting early nineteenth-century debates over sacred music, church administration, charitable education, and institutional finance in Philadelphia Episcopal congregations.</text>
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                <text>This collection of thirteen documents comprises correspondence and related records received by the Vestry of the United Episcopal Churches of Philadelphia between 1803 and 1821. The earliest item is a petition dated April 15, 1803, in which members of St. Peter's Church protest the introduction of "Light airy and Unseemly Musick &amp; play House Tunes" by the church's clerk, arguing that such tunes "defile the Service of the Sanctuary," and requesting a return to solemn, traditional psalmody sung in "our Good old Tenor" [p.1r-1v].

Several documents concern the settlement of the estate of Mr. Dobbins, who left his property to a charitable institution in Philadelphia. A letter from Thomas Jones of Charleston dated August 19, 1805 conveys the legal opinion of Henry Bailey, Esq. regarding the transfer of bank stock and the residuary estate [p.2]. A copy of the Vestry's reply of May 6, 1806 to Jones references a power of attorney sent to Judge William Johnson Jr. and Henry William DeSaussure to make releases and acquittances [p.3r-3v], and further correspondence discusses executor's commissions and the assignment of outstanding debts [p.4v].

A January 1, 1807 letter from George Sheaff conveys his sister Mrs. Muhlenberg's terms for the sale of a lot on Seventh Street near Market for erecting an Episcopal church, offered at $8,500 [p.5r-5v]. Hugh Still (or Hill) applies for the position of sexton of St. Peter's Church on April 6, 1807, supported by a list of recommending subscribers [p.6r-6v].

A March 26, 1813 letter from a committee of the Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church (William Tilghman, James Milnor, and William Meredith) proposes to deposit newly purchased modern divinity books in the churches' library to support the education of ministerial candidates [p.7]. Paul Beck Jr., appointed treasurer of Christ Church Hospital, writes on June 2, 1813 recommending the sale of 22 small, taxable ground rents (totaling $294.28) to purchase non-taxable ones, saving the institution about $60 per annum, and includes an itemized list [p.8r-8v].

Isaac P. Cole submits his resignation as clerk of St. Peter's Church on June 24, 1815, expressing discouragement that his efforts to promote "the Science of Sacred Music" and to establish a choir met with "almost uniform disaprobation" [p.9r-9v]. A memorandum dated April 18, 1819 concerns Samuel Volans's administration of the estate of Mary Stephens and the discharge of a bond and mortgage of $266.66 [p.10].

A petition dated June 19, 1820 from the Managers of the Female Sunday School Society of St. Peter's Church (signed by Thomas Clifford, First Vice, and A. Keasbey, Secretary) reports on their school of about sixty children and requests that the Vestry authorize the enlargement of the vestry room—for which they obtained a plan and estimate not exceeding $700, offering to contribute $200 themselves [p.11r-11v]. Thomas Loud, organist of Christ and St. Peter's, writes on April 30, 1821 requesting compensation of about $40 for Mr. W. Hall, who spent nearly three weeks repairing the Christ Church organ [p.12]. Finally, Francis Cooper, clerk of St. Peter's, protests in a letter of June 20, 1821 a reduction of forty dollars in his annual salary plus the loss of a perquisite for recording baptisms, amounting to a "dead Loss" of fifty dollars [p.13].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>A majority of the documents in this folder pertain to discussions regarding the use of land surrounding the burial ground by various local fire companies and institutions. Institutions involved include the Amicable Fire Company, the Resolution Hose Company, the Hope Engine Company, and the M.E. Union Church.

Other notable documents include a letter from a congregant strongly advising the Vestry against hiring an assistant minister on a one-year probationary basis, arguing it would be detrimental to both the minister and the congregation. Additionally, there is a significant 1824 memorial signed by members of Christ Church, St. Peter's, and St. James proposing the separation of the United Churches into independent entities to increase revenues and the usefulness of the clergy.</text>
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                <text>This collection of correspondence and petitions was addressed to the Vestry of the United Churches of Christ Church, St. Peter's, and St. James in Philadelphia between 1822 and 1825, largely concerning the use of land surrounding the burial ground in Fifth Street.

Several documents relate to fire companies seeking to occupy Church land. A committee of the Resolution Hose Company petitioned the Vestry to confirm a grant of the site in Fifth Street formerly occupied by the Amicable Fire Company, and requested permission to extend and expand the building [p.1]. In their formal petition, the company noted it had been active since 1804 and had lost its previous home when the New Theatre burned in 1820 and was rebuilt [p.2]. The four surviving active members of the Amicable Fire Engine Company explained that their company was effectively dissolved, between 40 and 50 dollars in debt, with a broken engine estimated to cost 150 dollars to repair, and proposed bequeathing their engine and apparatus to the Resolution Hose Company; honorary members endorsed the transfer [p.3r].

Subsequent letters, addressed to committee members G. Bringhurst and Wm. Murdoch, negotiate the terms of building. The company initially objected to being required to build vaults beneath the proposed ornamental two-story house given its limited funds [p.5r-5v], but later agreed to undertake the vaults according to the Vestry's directions and to erect a building from a plan by Mr. Haviland, suggesting the Vestry contribute at least one hundred dollars toward the vaults [p.6r-6v]. In June 1823 the company reported having finished three vaults for the Church's use and again requested assistance in defraying costs [p.7]. The Hope Engine Company separately applied in 1823 for permission to erect an engine house on St. Peter's burial ground [p.8, p.9].

An 1825 letter from the Trustees of the M.E. Union Church requested that two windows opening onto the churchyard from their newly erected Sunday School building be permitted to remain for ventilation and light [p.10].

Two documents concern church governance rather than land. A copy of an 1822 letter from a self-described member and constituent urged the Vestry to abandon its plan of calling assistant ministers on a one-year probationary basis, arguing that turning a clergyman adrift after a year would be cruel and would injure the church's standing [p.4r-4v]. A memorial read in Vestry on 3 March 1824, signed by prominent members of all three congregations including Joseph Hopkinson, Charles Wheeler, William Rawle Jr., and members of the Ingersoll and Lewis families, requested the Vestry consider a plan of altering the charter to make each church independent for certain purposes [p.11r-11v].</text>
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                  <text>Founded in 1695, Christ Church was the first Anglican church to be established in Pennsylvania. This fulfilled the provision outlined by King Charles II in the charter he granted to William Penn in 1681 stipulating that if twenty individuals requested an Anglican clergyman the Bishop of London would appoint one. Accordingly, thirty-nine Philadelphians came together in 1695 to form Christ Church. Located on Second Street, just north of Market Street the Church transitioned from a small frame structure in its early years to the imposing Georgian structure built from 1727-1754 that still stands on the site today. Members of the Continental Congress and early government officials worshipped here and seven signers of the Declaration of Independence are buried on Church property. When the congregation grew too large to be accommodated here the vestry built St. Peter's at the southern edge of the city in 1760 and later St. James. Those United Churches remained a unit until the 1820s and 1830s. Christ Church is an active Episcopal parish today as well as a major historic site.&#13;
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                <text>This collection of correspondence addressed to the Vestry of the United Churches (Christ Church, St. Peter's, and St. James) covers various administrative and congregational matters from 1827 to 1832. Subjects pertain to a burial ground commemoration and a dispute over headstones; a gift to Saint Thomas Church of the crystal chandeliers from Saint Peter's Church; rights to church pews, most notably the complex legal transmission of the pew associated with Samuel and Elizabeth Powel; and a request of the Male Sunday School to take up a collection in aid of their services.

Notable events documented include Harriet Keatting's remonstrance to protect her parents' gravestone, a formal petition from St. James' Church members to separate from the union due to financial difficulties, and Rev. W. H. Delancey declining a permanent pastoral connection due to his University duties. Additionally, the Male Sunday School's request for a church collection was formally denied, though members of the Vestry personally raised funds for them.</text>
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                <text>This collection of vestry correspondence for the United Churches of Christ Church, St. Peter's, and St. James in Philadelphia covers the years 1827 to 1832, with one later letter from 1849. In an April 1827 remonstrance, Harriet Keatting objects to the anticipated removal of the headstone marking the grave of her parents, George and Margaret Fudge, who died in 1793 and 1797 and were interred in the burying ground at the corner of Fifth and Arch Streets; she opposes a plan by the family of her sister, Mrs. Fougeray, to replace the stone [p.1r-1v]. A May 1827 letter from wardens John Bowers and James Johnson of St. Thomas Church conveys thanks for the gift of the crystal chandeliers formerly belonging to St. Peter's Church [p.2].

An October 1828 petition, signed by members including John Markland, Thomas Hale, J. Read, and William Rawle Jr., requests that the vestry consider erecting St. James' Church into a separate corporation, attributing the churches' financial embarrassment to their union; it was read in vestry October 17, 1828, and referred to a committee [p.3].

Several items concern pew rights. An 1849 letter from William Watson to Joseph R. Ingersoll disputes the number of sittings in a pew held by his mother for 25 years [p.4r-4v]. An April 1831 letter from Mrs. Francis inquires about the terms for two seats formerly held by the late Mrs. Powel [p.5]. The most substantial correspondence, dated July 6, 1830 (with related dockets from February 1830), is from executor Edward Shippen Burd to the committee of vestry regarding two sittings in Pew No. 41 at St. Peter's Church held by the late Elizabeth Powel. Burd quotes at length the residuary clauses of Powel's will and includes a legal opinion by Horace Binney dated April 6, 1830, concluding that the pew interest should vest in John Hare Powel, whom Elizabeth Powel treated in loco parentis and who had adopted her name at her request [p.8-22].

A letter from Rev. William H. Delancey, dated April 16, 1832, declines the vestry committee's overture for a permanent connection with Christ Church, citing his obligations to the University [p.6]. Finally, an April 20, 1832 request from Clement English and Eliza C. Souder, a committee of the Male Sunday School of Christ Church, asks permission to take up a collection to address a debt of thirty-five dollars contracted in May 1831; the vestry declined to permit another collection but some individual members collected ten dollars, given to Mr. English on April 29, 1832 [p.7].</text>
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                <text>Folder holds continued discussion between the Resolution Hose Company and the Vestry, church and organ maintenance, and a printed circular from the "Corporation for the Relief of the Widows and Children of Clergymen in the Communion of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania." Also includes correspondence regarding investments in South Carolina, tuning and repairing the organ, proposals by architect Thomas U. Walter for the alteration and replastering of Christ Church, and a bell inquiry to the Revere Copper Co.</text>
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                <text>The folder contains correspondence and vestry records of Christ Church (Philadelphia, Pa.) from 1832 to 1836. It opens with a printed circular letter from Rev. James Montgomery, Secretary of the Corporation for the Relief of the Widows and Children of Clergymen, dated 14 May 1832, urging vestries to subscribe to the relief fund on behalf of their pastors and explaining the difficulty posed by clergy changing parishes [p.1].

A letter from Corrie and Hubie (19 September 1832) addresses the tuning and repair of the Christ Church organ, defending their work, noting a six-dollar charge to fix the pedal put out of order by laying the floor, refusing to have the organist sign their bill, and offering to resign the charge to "more competant hands" [p.2r-2v].

Records from November 1832 concern Christ Church Hospital and the Joseph Dobbins legacy of 200 shares in the Bank of South Carolina. The committee, alarmed by "public agitation in the State of South Carolina of a spirit of opposition to the laws of the United States," recommended selling the stock; the vestry passed a vote of thanks to Henry A. De Saussure of Charleston and directed the sale [p.3r-3v].

Correspondence from the Resolution Hose Company (10 July 1833) requests a ten-year lease renewal for ground occupied at the burial ground, hoping the vestry would not charge rent given the company's expense in erecting the building and vaults [p.4]. A subsequent letter (15 October 1833) records the company's agreement to pay an annual rent of twenty dollars, commencing 2 October 1833 [p.5].

A letter from the Revere Copper Company (J. Davis &amp; Co., Boston, 14 February 1835) to Moses Humpton discusses the difficulty of recasting a bell to match a chime, offering instead to select an existing bell at eight cents per pound difference, with accompanying cost calculations [p.6r-6v].

Several 1836 letters from architect Thomas U. Walter to Moses Kempton concern alterations to Christ Church. On 8 January 1836 Walter estimated the total improvement—including two furnaces, new pews, a western vestibule, stairways, new galleries, and removal of eastern stairs—at about $5,500, with new galleries and modern pews alone costing about $1,500, and declined to contract for the work owing to uncertain labor prices [p.7r-7v]. On 21 March 1836 Walter sent apologies for missing a committee meeting due to illness [p.8]. On 21 July 1836 he estimated replastering the entire interior (except the chancel) at $675 above the contract amount, requiring about one additional month [p.11], and Kempton replied on 22 July 1836 endorsing replastering the whole interior for a "finished &amp; complete whole" and noting a possible mistake in the amount named [p.12r-12v].

Other items include an inquiry from Jacob Ridgway to William Meredith, chairman of the committee of the vestry of St. Peter's Church (10 March 1836), about buying or leasing a church house on the south side of Mulberry Street near Front Street [p.9r-9v], and a letter from William Smith (7 May 1836) tendering his resignation of an appointment because he could not attend the approaching Convention of the Church [p.10].</text>
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                <text>Correspondence includes letters relating to church and organ repair and a thank you letter to a Frances Lapsley, who went to care for Rev. James when he took ill on a trip to Western Pennsylvania.

Other correspondence includes more typical subjects like parishioner's rights to pews, requests for marriage records, and church music. Letters between Horace Binney and Charles Hommann detail a dispute over changes to the congregation's music, leading to the organist's resignation.

A particularly interesting letter/report discusses the failure of public schools to teach the neighborhood children to read as a reason to maintain support of the church's Parochial Day School, noting that poor children attend public schools for years without learning to read.</text>
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                <text>This collection of fourteen documents comprises the correspondence of the Vestry of Christ Church, Philadelphia, from 1836 to 1847, touching on church repairs, the death of the rector, pew disputes, church music, parish education, and record inquiries.

Architect Thomas U. Walter wrote to Moses Kempton in August 1836 regarding plastering and the decision whether to paint the church walls, promising to examine the organ in New York on his return [p.1]. A later 1837 letter from Walter concerns an outstanding bill and his examination of stained glass belonging to Mr. Caldcleugh, which he found unsuitable because the gothic figures could not be adapted to the church's windows [p.7r, p.7v]. Thomas H. White resigned his vestry membership in July 1836 [p.2].

Several documents concern the illness and death of Rector Rev. John Waller James. The Vestry's letter of September 1836 to Frances Lapsley expresses gratitude for her Christian kindness in ministering to James, who arrived at Huntingdon suffering from a sharp dysentery during court week and lay in a crowded, noisy tavern until Lapsley cared for him night and day; the letter records his dying message that the congregation should "take heed to the words that he had spoken" [p.4r, p.4v]. Lapsley's reply of October 1836 acknowledges the Vestry's note [p.3]. Rev. Henry W. Ducachet offered in November 1836 to officiate gratuitously while the church was without a rector [p.5r, p.5v], and a committee requested Rev. W. H. De Lancey to preach a sermon on James's death [p.6r, p.6v].

Pew and sitting rights are addressed in Anna Maria Williams's December 1838 defense of her family's four sittings in Pew No. 12, held for 31 years and rented in the name of James Williams, against forfeiture for underletting [p.8r, p.8v], and in Thomas H. White's 1839 correspondence submitting documentary evidence—a receipt from Mrs. Anna Morris—to prove his father's title to a pew [p.9r, p.9v].

An 1844 appeal from the Wardens of the Church of the Nativity, Spring Garden, solicits missionary funds for a field of fifteen thousand inhabitants without any church [p.10]. Church music correspondence includes organist Charles Hommann's December 1844 resignation after his introduction of new tunes (including Mozart) met with congregational discontent [p.11r, p.11v], and Horace Binney's November 1844 letter as chairman of the Committee on Music, regretting the discontinuance of familiar tunes and noting that recent chants were too long [p.12r, p.12v].

An 1845 communication from the female managers of the Parochial Day School details the school's founding in January 1843, prompted partly by the observation that poor children attending public primary schools continued for years without learning to read; it recounts teacher turnover, declining enrollment, financial difficulties in meeting the teacher's $200 salary, and an appeal for the Vestry to subscribe $80 per annum for the education of ten poor Episcopalians, along with complaints about the unsafe and filthy entrance to the school building [p.13r, p.13v]. Finally, a June 1847 letter from James R. Hitchcock of New York inquires how to prove the marriage of Lewis I. Costigan, said to have been performed by a minister of the church between 1792 and 1798; a notation records that the name was not found on the register [p.14].</text>
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                <text>Correspondence of the vestry of Christ Church, Philadelphia, dating from 1856 to 1880. The documents include John A. McAllister's note presenting a photograph made from an 1787 engraving of the interior of Christ Church; the resignation letter of vestry member William C. Kent; a request from St. Peter's Church for a contribution toward the funeral expenses of Bishop Henry Ustick Onderdonk; a salary-related letter from a former assistant minister writing from Savannah during the Civil War; correspondence and a plan concerning property on West De Lancey Place; an invitation to the opening services of the new St. James's Church; and letters from architect Henry A. Sims regarding perceived imperfections in the parish building and proposed repairs.

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                <text>This collection of twelve documents comprises correspondence received by the Vestry of Christ Church, Philadelphia, between 1856 and 1880. It opens with an 1856 note from John A. McAllister presenting a photograph prepared from an old engraving of the "Interior of Christ Church in 1787," a plate originally published by James Peller Malcolm with Bishop William White's permission, with proceeds aiding the Society for Alleviating the Miseries of Public Prisons [p.1]. This is followed by William C. Kent's brief resignation as a vestry member, dated 4 June 1856 [p.2].

An 1858 letter from Horace Binney Jr., writing for a committee of St. Peter's Church, encloses a resolution authorizing payment of fifty dollars toward the funeral expenses of the late Right Rev. Henry Ustick Onderdonk and solicits Christ Church's participation [p.3r-3v]. An 1864 letter from Savannah, Georgia, by the former Assistant Minister (signed Cadwalader) to Peter McCall recounts a salary dispute: a $92 balance owed him was paid in depreciated Confederate currency worth only about $33 in specie, and he requests the difference be sent to his niece, Mrs. Mary S. Winslow of Roxbury, widow of Capt. Francis Winslow, U.S.N. [p.4r-4v].

An 1867 letter from Eph. Clark to Edward L. Clark discusses the offer of lots on West De Lancey Place for the Vestry of St. James's, with a diagram of the lots and their prospective owners [p.5r-6]. An 1871 letter from Warden G. W. Hunter invites the Vestry of Christ Church to the opening services of the new St. James's Church [p.7]. An 1871 note from G. Woolsey Hodge concerns a contested election and pending protests [p.8r-8v].

A substantial 1873 exchange with the architectural firm H. A. &amp; J. P. Sims addresses defects in the Parish Building. Henry A. Sims explains that his original design supported the floors with wooden columns, but that the Vestry objected to columns and to the interior height, prompting a revised design placing the large parish school room above and spanning it without adequate support, against his stated judgment; he argues the resulting fault is not his and that he should not bear the repair cost [p.9-14]. In a follow-up letter of 5 May 1873, Sims itemizes the work he proposes—reimbursing $55.85 paid to contractor R. B. Blake, adding a man hole to the roof deck, stopping a leak, and placing a flag stone under a wooden post—provided the Vestry pass a resolution accepting the work as final [p.15r-16].

The collection concludes with an extended 1880 statement by Assistant Minister George Woolsey Hodge to the Vestry, transcribing his correspondence with Rector Edward A. Foggo. Foggo demands Hodge's unconditional resignation based on a verbal pledge, refusing to reveal the complaints against him; Hodge tenders a conditional resignation tied to the appointment of a successor or the chapel's erection into a separate parish, which Foggo returns as noncompliant. Hodge defends his conduct, denies the accusations made by a lady formerly connected with the chapel, and stresses his six years of labor for the chapel while leaving the final terms to the Vestry's decision [p.17-24].</text>
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                <text>A majority of the documents in this folder pertains to the 1904 Easter Monday election. Of note was the issue of ending the rectorship of C. Ellis Stevens. Present are a high number of regret letters from various parish members explaining their inability to attend the vote. Edward H. Coates details the vestry's specific objections to Dr. Stevens, which included allegations of frequent inconsistency, falsehoods, drinking and intoxication, offensive manners, and worldly ambition.

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                <text>The folder opens with correspondence between George M. Coates and Hon. M. Russell Thayer regarding the proposed separation of Christ Church and Christ Church Chapel, in which Thayer advises that such a separation would require the concurrent assent of all interested parties, ecclesiastical authorities, and possibly an amendment of the Church's charter, and deprecates any premature attempt [p.1-5]. A brief 1889 letter records the resignation of Thomas H. Montgomery [p.6]. A lengthy 1893 legal opinion by Thayer addresses the qualifications of Vestrymen under the 1765 Charter and the Act of 1832, concluding that Vestrymen must have paid for a sitting for three successive years, and that seven members constitute a quorum with the Rector not counted as a Vestryman [p.7-18]. An 1896 opinion to Charles P. Keith weighs the risks of accepting the Act of 1889 and subjecting the corporation to cumulative voting under the Constitution of 1874 [p.19-21]. Additional Thayer opinions from 1894 and 1897 address the burial ground endowment trust obligations [p.22-23].

The bulk of the folder concerns the 1904 Easter Monday election held April 4, and the movement to sever the rectorship of the Rev. C. Ellis Stevens. Proxy appointments and letters from members abroad or ill—including Charles E. Coxe, writing from Rome [p.24-25], B. M. Campbell [p.32], Harriet M. C. Jacobs [p.33], Elizabeth Hays Da Costa [p.29], M. Russell Thayer [p.34], Richard Peters [p.35], Charles D. Clark [p.36, p.39], and Robert Ralston [p.37-38]—endorse the present Vestry's action. Central to this dispute is confidential correspondence between Edward H. Coates and T. Chester Walbridge: Coates enumerates the Vestry's objections to Stevens, including unreliability in statement, church accounts, and conduct (with allegations of intoxication), as well as offensive manner, intrigue, and worldly ambition [p.26-27]. Walbridge replies that while indebted to Stevens for personal courtesies, he cannot support him, yet urges consideration of Christ Church as a national monument akin to Independence Hall deserving perpetual protection [p.30-31].

A 1910 letter concerns a contract for church music referred to the Music Committee [p.40]. The folder closes with a 1922 letter from John C. DaCosta, 3d, humbly accepting his election to the Vestry and asking that his appreciation be conveyed to the body [p.41].</text>
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